May 8, 2013

2013 elections: You compute the results!


In legislative (or parliamentary) elections, the popular vote totals of every party is computed. This is the sum of votes each party participated at on every district it participated in. For some reason, that hasn't been done in the Philippines. In fact, even the most basic of election results, such as the number of seats a party won in the lower house elections isn't published anywhere. Not by the media, not by the parties themselves, or even by the COMELEC.

This 2013, that changes.

With the power of the internet, and the power of Smartmatic and COMELEC, we can now compute the popular vote totals for every party that participated in this year's elections to the House of Representatives. With this, we can also compute how many seats a party wins.

This is actually pretty easy. First, we'd need the stats from COMELEC. Starting in the 2010 elections, we have been supplied by the COMELEC and Smartmatic vote totals up to the precinct level in the internet. Without those, this project won't be possible.

Then, on this document, you can encode/paste the vote totals from the official COMELEC website. The Microsoft Excel spreadsheet automatically detects which party wins the district.

With that, the only thing we'd need are vote totals. Once we get those, just encode, and voila, we'd know the party standing for the upcoming 16th Congress.

Be a part of this project that has never been attempted before. Be a part of history. Now, your vote really counts.

April 20, 2013

2013 NBA Playoffs Philippine TV schedule


It's that time of the year where we are all waiting for "REAL" college basketball to start. In other words, it's the NBA Playoffs! On this space, you can find the TV schedules of all playoff matchups in Philippine TV.

Conference Semifinals


Game#1 MIA vs #5 CHI#2 NY vs #3 IND#1 OKC vs #5 MEM#2 SA vs #6 GS
1May 7, 7AM at NBA Premium May 6, 330AM at NBA Premium/Studio 23May 6, 1AM at NBA Premium/BTV May 7, 930AM at NBA Premium
2 May 9, 7AM at NBA PremiumMay 8, 7AM at NBA Premium May 8, 930AM at NBA PremiumMay 9, 930AM at NBA Premium/BTV
3 May 11, 8AM at NBA Premium May 12, 8AM at NBA Premium/ABS-CBNMay 12, 5AM at NBA Premium May 11, 1030AM at NBA Premium/Studio 23
4 May 14, 7AM at NBA Premium May 15 May 14, 930AM at NBA Premium/BTV May 13, 330AM at NBA Premium
5 May 16 May 17, 8AM May 16 May 15, 930AM
6
May 19, 8AM at NBA Premium/ABS-CBN

7
May 21, 8AM


Eastern Conference First Round

Game#1 MIA vs #8 MIL#2 NY vs #7 BOS#3 IND vs #6 ATL#4 BKN vs #5 CHI
1April 22, 7AM at NBA Premium April 21, 3AM at NBA Premium April 22, 1AM at BTV April 21, 8AM at NBA Premium
2 April 24, 730AM at BTV April 24, 8AM at NBA Premium April 25, 730AM at BTV April 23, 8AM at NBA Premium
3 April 26, 7AM at NBA Premium April 27, 8AM at Fox Sports April 28, 955 at ABS-CBN (delayed) April 26, 830AM at BTV
4 April 29, 330AM at NBA Premium April 29, 1AM at NBA Premium April 30, 730AM at BTV April 28, 2AM at NBA Premium
5 MIA won series 4-0. May 2. 7AM at NBA Premium May 2, 8AM at BTV April 30, 7AM at NBA Premium
6 May 4, 7AM at Fox Sports May 4, 7AM at BTV, NBA Premium May 3. 8AM at NBA Premium
7 NY won series 4-2 IND won series 4-2 May 5, 8AM at NBA Premium

Western Conference First Round

Game#1 OKC vs #8 HOU#2 SA vs #7 LAL#3 DEN vs #6 GS#4 LAC vs #5 MEM
1April 22, 930AM at NBA Premium April 22, 9AM at Studio 23 (delayed) April 21, 530AM at BTV April 21, 103AM at Studio 23
2 April 25, 7AM at Fox Sports April 25, 930AM at NBA Premium April 24, 1030AM at NBA Premium April 23, 1030AM at BTV & NBA Premium
3 April 28, 930AM at BTV & NBA Premium April 27, 1030AM at Studio 23 April 27, 1030 at BTV April 26, 930AM at NBA Premium
4 April 30, 930AM at NBA Premium April 29, 7AM at NBA Premium April 29, 930AM at Studio 23 April 28, 430AM at BTV
5 May 2, 930AM at Fox Sports SA won series 4-0. May 1, 8AM at NBA Premium May 1, 1030AM at NBA Premium
6 May 4, 930AM at NBA Premium May 3, 1030 at NBA Premium May 4, 930 AM
7 OKC won series 4-2 GS won series 4-2. MEM won series 4-2
Date, time and channels are subject to change.

April 8, 2013

VFP, BANAT, Ang Bagong Bayani, now the Atong Paglaum decision


At this point, the law implementing the party-list elections has been utterly modified by judicial decisions, it ceased to be the law that it was supposed to be. We've been into five party-list elections already, and despite that, most people still don't know what should these party-list representatives do, or what they are for. Are they for the marginalized? If they are, should they be marginalized? If party-lists should only be for the marginalized, how about regional political parties? Does that mean Warays and Bikolanos are marginalized too? How about big time political parties?
The constitution is rather curt about party-list elections. These are the truths:
  • There should be "a party-list system of registered national, regional, and sectoral parties or organizations."
  • "The party-list representatives shall constitute twenty per centum of the total number of representatives including those under the party list."
  • For three consecutive terms after the ratification of this Constitution, one-half of the seats allocated to party-list representatives shall be filled, as provided by law, by selection or election from the labor, peasant, urban poor, indigenous cultural communities, women, youth, and such other sectors as may be provided by law, except the religious sector.
There are some more, but they are immaterial to the issues at hand now.

If you noticed, the party-list provisions in the constitution never had the word "marginalized", including those that I skipped. The constitution mentioned some sectors, but they are not marginalized, and even if they all are, it doesn't mention that the seats for party-list representatives is made-up entirely from the marginalized sectors of society.

Now, let's see R.A. 7941, or the Party-List System Act. On Section 2, the "Declaration of Policy", it declares (emphasis mine):
The State shall promote proportional representation in the election of representatives to the House of Representatives through a party-list system... which will enable Filipino citizens belonging to the marginalized and underrepresented sectors, organizations and parties... to become members of the House of Representatives."
So yes, out of nowhere, we were thrust into a party-list system that favors the marginalized. Not that it is bad from the get-go, but as what we've experienced for the last 5 elections, legislators who truly are marginalized can be counted with your fingers, their efforts have changed little to uplift the marginalized sectors they were support to legislate for, and it has extended the age-old politics of patronage even to the marginalized sectors of society. This has corrupted the marginalized sectors.

The Supreme Court has decided in every petition related to the party-list election to ban major parties from participating. Until the Atong Paglaum case. In this case (it is actually a consolidation of several cases), just as in almost every other case concerning the party-list system, the decision referenced this exchange from the 1986 Constitutional Commission:
MR. MONSOD. May I be clarified on that? Can UNIDO participate in the party list system?

MR. VILLACORTA. Yes, why not? For as long as they field candidates who come from the different marginalized sectors that we shall designate in this Constitution.

MR. MONSOD. Suppose Senator Tañada wants to run under BAYAN group and says that he represents the farmers, would he qualify?

MR. VILLACORTA. No, Senator Tañada would not qualify.

MR. MONSOD. But UNIDO can field candidates under the party list system and say Juan dela Cruz is a farmer. Who would pass on whether he is a farmer or not?

MR. TADEO. Kay Commissioner Monsod, gusto ko lamang linawin ito. Political parties, particularly minority political parties, are not prohibited to participate in the party list election if they can prove that they are also organized along sectoral lines.
I'd like to call that as the "Senator Tañada example," referring to Senator Lorenzo Tañada, grandfather of current congressman Lorenzo Tañada III. It illustrates the absurdities of making a checklist on who is a marginalized person, and who can represent them. The party list representatives fall into three types: those who truly are marginalized, those who are from single-issue parties, cause-oriented groups or of other ideological leanings that cannot win in single-district elections (politicians from the far left and the far right), and those who belong to the traditional politician class, or those who do their bidding. Those three are arranged from the least number of legislators to the most.

So we've established these facts, so far:
  • The constitution does not mention marginalized sectors at all. It does mention certain sectors but it did not classify them as marginalized.
  • The enabling law mandates that the party-list system puts a premium on the marginalized.
  • The Supreme Court has struck down, amongst other things, the "marginalized" part of the law as unconstitutional.
To be frank, I was peeved on how long the Supreme Court held out on striking down the "marginalized" part as unconstitutional. Heck, they even removed the 2% threshold first. If the court strikes down the 3-seat cap as "unconstitutional" (as it should, as the 3-seat cap prevents the results of the election from ever being proportional), then our law is entirely worthless, as all provisions have been modified not by Congress, but by the Supreme Court.

Clearly, the party-list law has to be changed; check that, it has been changed so much I dunno what work should be used to emphasize that we should need a totally new law, that takes into account the court's decisions. Here are some suggestions:
  • Since we can no longer have a 100% marginalized party-list, we should restrict it from being infiltrated by traditional politicians. How? Restrict nominees:
    • Those who were previously elected in office above the barangay level outside of the party-list elections are excluded.
    • Those who have relatives up to the second degree of consanguinity or affinity who stood in the previous two elections above the barangay level are excluded.
    • No nominees in the list should be related up to the second degree of consanguinity or affinity.
  • Somewhat related to the above, "once a party-list representative has served for three consecutive terms in Congress, he may not be nominated again under the party-list system."
  • Remove the three-seat cap. In it's place, mandate that "no party-list organization can win a majority of seats reserved for party-list representatives." This makes it more proportional, and virtually eliminates wasted votes for parties that are strong.
  • Use the hare quota in determining seats. This method favors the weaker parties over the larger parties as it is more "proportional". This means power is more distributed. This is virtually the system currently used except that there is a three-seat cap.
  • While the Supreme Court has struck the 2% threshold, for automatically qualifying seats to Congress is concerned, it has not struck the concept of thresholds per se as unconstitutional. In fact, in its BANAT decision, the Supreme Court still used the 2% threshold to determine which parties win; it only abandons them if the 20% of the seats had not been filled up. Of course, this is due to the 3-seat cap. The trick? Impose a threshold of 250,000 votes, or the minimum number of persons inside a congressional district. In 2010, 250k votes was around 0.85% of the valid votes.
With these suggestions, the party-list system can be more inline to what the constitution envisions it to be.

March 26, 2013

2013 elex: SWS survey beatdown


You already know it's election season already, right? Election season won't be complete without our election surveys. SWS, Pulse Asia, even the likes of StratPolls and the Center, and whatever "scientific" survey I can get my hands on. Our pollsters aren't plentiful, and they only release monthly surveys on election seasons, so there aren't that many surveys we can dig data upon; in fact, most of the time, the media only reports surveys published by SWS and Pulse Asia.

What's the point of this post, you ask? It's about time to aggregate all of these surveys into one survey of surveys, or the "poll of polls", one figure you can use to represent all surveys within a certain time period. What separates a non-scientific survey from supposedly "scientific" ones? It lies in the sampling. In non-scientific surveys, like phone-in surveys, Facebook and internet polls and the like, not everyone (or every voter) has an equal chance of participating. For example, those who do not wish to join the survey, or those who are physically (did not watch TV show that encouraged viewers to vote) or technologically capable (does not have Facebook) would not have been given a chance to participate. This is opposed from scientific surveys where everyone (or every voter) supposedly has an equal chance of participating.

There lies the caveat: sampling is the heart and soul of surveys. If the population was sampled wrongly, such as getting a "heavier" sample than what would've been recommended from places where a candidate particularly strong, this will distort the figures of the survey. That, and what happens between from data gathering, to publication.

But aren't surveys condition the minds of the voter? In a perfect world, it shouldn't. In fact, the only minds the surveys should be conditioning are the campaigns per se. Surveys are meant to determine where the candidate stands; this allows the candidates' campaigns to strategize on what gimmick to do.

Now, for the dirty stuff: SWS just released their March 2013 survey. They interviewed 1,200 people in a matter of two days throughout the country. Some notes:

  • Many are harping the sharp drop of Chiz's numbers. From 62 to 48; in fact, SWS implies that Chiz is now at 4th, as his name appears after JV. Chiz's numbers have been constant at the 61% to 62% range, and consistently second behind Loren.
  • Alan's numbers were statistically identical (down by 1%) from the previous survey, but he jumped from 3rd to 2nd due to Chiz's massive drop in the latter's preferences.
  • One thing constant in the surveys is the separation between #2 and #3 in the survey. It still holds true now, although it is now reversed: Alan is #2 and Chiz is now tied for #3. JV's numbers went up (6%) from the last SWS survey, but he jumped from 9th-10th to 3rd-4th. This comes after a massive drop for his preferences on February vs. his January numbers, which are his personal high. This also means those ranked from 4th to 13th are separated by the thinnest of margins.
  • Honasan, who is running a guerrilla campaign, jumps back into the Magic 12 after losing ground in February. Honasan is traditionally an independent, and doesn't participate in "air wars", but joined UNA this year as a full candidate.
  • Bam's numbers are unchanged at 42%, interestingly, 42% of the voters voted for Noynoy in 2010. Is this the peak of his support?
  • MTRCB's numbers saw a noticeable drop (8%) that saw her ranking fall from 5th-6th to 11th. Amongst the three erstwhile UNA guest candidates, only Loren Legarda, and her army of Facebook commenters, managed to hang on to their respective positions; even Loren's preferences herself went down by 5%.
  • JunMag's preferences are steadily going up. Though its rise is not as spectacular as Bam's, Nancy's, or MTRCB's, the son of the former beloved president is within the margin of error of the #12 candidate.
  • Every since the campaign started, Migz's numbers have been free falling. From 47% in January, 39% last month and 35% now.
  • The Team Patay label on Risa seems to have worked on her favor as her preferences are rising steadily, from 21% in December to 29% now. The 13th-place candidate is at 39% and unlike in 2010, she might not make it even to the margin of error, if her 2010 voters will vote for her again in 2013. In senatorial elections in presidential years, the 13th placed candidate ("the quota") usually gets >30% of the vote, as opposed to midterms, where the "quota" is <35%. (For a more detailed explanation, see my PEX post.)
  • UNA's tailenders, Tingting, Ernie and Mitos, who have to move if they want to win. Tingting has to show the big guns in Mikey Cojuangco and even Dudut Jaworski, or even the Big J himself. Ernie and Mitos would also have to step up to catch the big boys. Tingting and Mitos have been constant with their preferences at the mid-teens, while Ernie's preferences drop with a tie with Hontiveros at 25% on January.
  • Bro. Eddie's and Hagedorn's preferences are constant at the 10%-15% range. Everyone whose numbers are below Maceda's are stuck in a muck.
  • Teddy's numbers are hovering in the range of votes received by Liza Maza and Satur Ocampo in 2010. Perhaps that's the peak of the support of Left in this country for the meantime. If Teddy wants to win, he has to attract support outside his base.
  • It's a massive battle for scrubs between Ang Kapatiran, DPP and the independents below 10%. These haven't broke through above 5% in any survey (except for JC de los Reyes in a StratPolls survey where he got 12%). It remains to be seen if AKP's numbers would go up due to the publicity garnered by the Team Buhay/Team Patay campaign.
In the coming days: the aggregate poll of polls. All of the polls in one handy statistic you shouldn't use.

March 13, 2013

Celthan, Ethamargaux, or DIETHAN?


Ina, Kapatid, Anak fangirls, make your voices heard. Vote now... after the jump!

March Madness! Haterade version!


As tribute to Grantland's "The Most Hated College Basketball Players of the Last 30 Years" tournament (written by the Rafeboogs himself), this blog ripped off their brilliant idea, because, I'm not into plagiarizing -- I cited them. Only that I made it better: instead of making this tournament solely about college hoopsters, why not include the bigwigs? You know, the shady people behind the scenes that make college basketball a little bit exciting.



Just like Grantland's version, there are four brackets: the bigwigs, players of the 2010s (2010-present), players of the 2000s (2000-2009), and the Pinoy version of Duke, the team everyone hates, a DLSU-centric bracket. But don't worry people who seethe the Gremlins, some DLSU bigwigs are at the bigwigs bracket, so an all-DLSU final is possible.

Seedings are determined by total overall hate throughout the interwebz, measured through my own biases. This is not to be a scientific survey of hate, and seeds may have been adjusted for meaty matchups, both in the first round or, potentially, in the latter rounds. I present, the bracket:


And now, the first round!

DLSU bracket:
2010s players bracket:
Polls end after a week, then the other half of the bracket gets their spotlight.